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Kashmir:
Is Mufti on the right track?
Romeet
K WATT
PDP-led
coalition government in J&K, has to wake-up to pragmatism sooner
or later, and the false sense of security, which they have led
themselves into accepting as true, has been shattered in less than
48 hours, one after another, in rapid succession – first the
attack on the CRPF barracks in the heart of Srinagar, second, the
LED explosion on the strategic Jammu & Kashmir national highway,
killing army personnel’s, and their kith and kin’s, followed by
the ruthless suicide attack on the ‘symbolic and historical’
Raghunath temple, taking heavy toll of the human lives. This is
second such attack on this sacred place of worship. The reports
available at the time of writing indicate largely civilian
causalities.
No crime can be more culpable than the gratuitous killings of
innocents engaged in the place of worship. It was not long ago when
Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) stuck terror inside the Akshardham temple in
Gujarat for about 12 hours – killing 36 and injuring over 70
innocent worshippers.
These
suicide-attacks have come within days of the release of Hafeez
Sayeed, the chief of Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) by Islamabad, despite
reservations expressed by their partners in war against terror,
America. His release has without doubt has rejuvenated the sagging
morale of its cadres operating in Jammu & Kashmir, and with his
release, the LeT is without doubt going to step up its activities in
the State. Given the quantity and sort of ammunition on the
terrorists, they appear well trained and are believed to the members
of LeT. The Gujarat unrest, media reports suggest, came as a fodder
for Lashkar chief Hafeez Sayeed who has been using it in his
speeches following the crack down in Pakistan. He has reportedly
urged his dedicated cadres to move ‘towards the south’ to seek
revenge. Intelligence analysts firmly accept as true that the
weapons and strategy in the Raghunath temple attack all point
towards Lashkar’s suicide squads.
Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir,
Mufti Mohd Sayeed, a deft politician in his own right, has used the
‘acupuncture points’ at which Kashmiris were vulnerable to
revive his political fortunes. Passions have a populist edge and
politicians go where passions catch fire, so it is but natural for
him to wisely talk about nuts and bolts, after all, placating the
domestic constituency, is something, which he cannot afford to miss
so early in his innings. Magic and Miracles! That seems to be
Sayeed’s mantra, at least for now.
However, by posing himself as a
‘dream merchant,’ Mufti has put himself into a knotty spot, and
to get off the hook he impaled himself on, would be a tall order.
The political debate in Kashmir these days is generously punctured
with terms like: ‘healing touch;’ ‘unconditional dialogue;’
sensitive and humane government;’
‘peace with dignity and honour,’ to cite a few. Mufti has
geared up his state machinery to sharply contrast the freewheeling
attitude of Abdullah senior’s government.
Now that the emotional floods have
somewhat subsided, in Kashmir, it is time for some contemplative and
retrograde analysis. PDP, many believe, has in a way reached a
threshold between mainstream politics and political separatism
characterised by the enticement to ride two boats at once – one
indicative of democratic aspirations and the other providing for
secessionist leanings. However a more vivid argument for the future
would be that these passions crafted carefully by Sayeed will in no
way bring to end the menace of terrorism. Sayeed seems to turn a
blind eye to the overarching threat from Pakistan, as if they do not
exist. Much remains to be seen whether the separatists elements in
the Valley will climb firmly abode the ‘peace train,’ started by
Sayeed, or not.
The blueprint of ‘sensitive and
humane government’ as envisaged by the coalition combine as a
means to ceasing bloodshed in Jammu and Kashmir has not shown wide
acceptability in the politico-analytical circles, and analysts have
cast serious doubts on whether the policy would work. The issues
that are of paramount importance, taking into account the ground
realities, are the attacks of radicalist Islam forces by way of
their militant wings, JeM and LeT (they account for 70% of the
violence) on our security personnel, and innocent civilians. The
coalition combine should direct their energies to these pressing
matters; debate over autonomy or self-determination can wait, for
the time being. And as has been aptly pointed by a leading analyst,
these foreign mercenaries ‘operate out of the reach of a healing
touch.’
In
this context the decision of the PDP led coalition to do away with the
controversial Special Operation Group (SOG) under the garb of
‘assimilation or reallocation within J&K Police’ may, as
time will decide, not be a wise decision, given that SOG has played
an instrumental role in fighting cross-border terrorism, which has
been at our door-steps for over a one and a half decade. In the mean
time, the SOG boys can take solace from the words of Julio
Ribeiro, then DGP, Punjab police who in an interview to Vintage
Gentleman in 1986 said, that if somebody tried to kill him, he would
kill him first. “Should someone try to kill me or my men, if he is
armed, if he is a terrorist, he would get him first,” said the
super cop at the height of militancy in Punjab. It is imperative the
PDP led government devise and formulate ways and means of tackling
Pakistan sponsored militancy before doing away with SOG.
As
part of the coalition government’s endeavour to give detainees a
‘free trail,’ top militant commanders of yesteryears are being
bailed out as part of the major policy shift. But contrary to what
Sayeed was led to believe; the separatists spearheaded by Yaseen
Malik have fired the first salvo, challenging the CM to prove that
he is the ‘true representative’ of the people, by contesting a
seat from the Valley. This indeed will come as a big shock to the
rank and file in the PDP, who were assured of a conciliatory
approach by the APHC. The manner in which these separatist elements
have been set free, casts serious doubts on the functioning of the
judiciary, who till yesterday appeared to have adequate proof to
hold them, out of the blue discern that there was not anything to
incriminate them.
These gesticulations on part of the PDP
led government should also not send erroneous signals to the
Pakistan sponsored militants for they might be tempted to interpret
these signs as ‘supportive gestures’ from a regime that is
sympathetic to their ‘cause.’ The situation, if one may further
the argument, is analogous to Punjab where in the aftermath of
operation Bluestar, for a while, terrorism was suppressed and things
became very quiet. But after a popular Akali government came to
power, trouble surfaced. Terrorists found they had good scope for
their activities and channels of communication were opened for them.
PDP should ensure that such mistakes are not repeated, otherwise
things might start afresh from 1990, when Kashmir seemed to simply
collapse into chaos and pandemonium. A dread of unintentional
consequences and what the intended amends might bring is both real
and valid. PDP’s talk of making Kashmir as a bridge between India
and Pakistan; and the necessity to involve Pakistan in the dialogue
process, are statements, which are too naive and simplistic.
Another
debatable issue is the decision of the government to do away with
the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA)
on the premise that there are enough laws to deal with militancy. POTA,
experts argue, is the only instrument that criminalizes the
mobilisation and transfer of financial resources to terrorists in
India. There have been numerous instances when the militants have
been arrested with huge cache of money, meant for back-end financial
support to militancy in the Valley. Section 22 of POTA is the only
provision, experts point out, which provides for a harsher process
and penalties in cases of fund raising for a terrorist organisation.
In absence to such provisions, anti-militancy operations may be
seriously hampered.
Sayeed has himself been more than a
passing spectator to the metamorphosis and change in Kashmir. Mufti
Sayeed has done a U-turn as far as the ‘ideological
postures’ are concerned. Sayeed is still seen as a ‘muscle,’
which was instrumental in unleashing state terror in the Valley,
decade and a half ago. Critiques of Sayeed charge him of using the
opportunity to further his political fortunes. One of the grave
slip-ups that he made was to free five militants in exchange for his
daughter, Rubaiya Sayeed in 1989, when he was the Home Minister.
This was done against the counsel of the then ruling party NC, and
Central intelligence officials, who were certain that the JKLF would
let go her daughter in the face of public indignation. He played a
key role in dismissing the NC government in February 1990, and to
complete the icing on the cake, Sayeed is also believed to have
played a pivotal role in the appointment of Jagmohan as Governor of
Jammu and Kashmir. Rest is history.
With
this belittling background, Sayeed appears to take no chances this
time round, and has already started taking steps, which would clean
his slate of past slip-ups that people of the Valley blame him for.
But in doing so, he has gone into an overdrive, to bring about a
transition in the Valley, without any significant changes on the
ground, in Pakistan sponsored militancy, to bring peace to the
Valley. Idea of committing to an ‘unconditional dialogue’ with
each and every one in the state even before evaluating all the
aspects, seem somewhat flippant and naive. Such steps put a big
question mark on the future of counter-terrorist operations in Jammu
and Kashmir. And last but not the least, Mufti Sahib, a wise council
from a wise man: “Any kind of compromise is not necessarily better
than no solution.”
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