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Jammu:
Denial, delay, and dereliction
Romeet
K WATT
Jammu,
the winter-capital of the State of Jammu & Kashmir has always
had lame-duck status in the given political dispensation, and time
and again, one way or the other, the region has been made to play
second fiddle to the State administrations’, headed by individuals
belonging to the Valley. Of late, a thousands dreams came crashing
down for the people of Jammu region, when the candidature of Ghulam
Nabi Azad - who belongs to the Doda region in Jammu
- for the top-post was withdrawn in favour of Valley based
chief of People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Mufti Sayeed.
The extensively
reported denunciation of the ‘statehood’ for the Jammu region by
way of trounce of BJP, and Jammu State Morcha candidates in the
concluded elections is a classic example of how media present the
J&K predicament before the Indian public. This is part of the
pattern cultivated by the power-that-be all over the world in such
situations: Circumvent certain facts and obfuscate others; then
manufacture ‘facts’ which form a narrow system of ideas and
beliefs. It is imperative that things be put in an appropriate
perspective.
Two important points:
First, the defeat of the BJP does in no way bring about the
denunciation of the demand for a separate state; or more
realistically, the devolution of powers to Jammu under an autonomous
regional council - as has been the demand of the sizable section of
populace, though the denial, delay, and dereliction on the issue has
made a sizable section to venture into an aggressive mode, demanding
statehood for the Jammu region.
Second,
these demands are in no way communal, as we have been led to
believe. Should that have been the case, the people of Jammu,
irrespective of their political affiliations and religious
denominations would not have supported the candidature of a Muslim
candidate - Ghulam Nabi Azad – for the top post. The coalescing of the secular character of
Jammu is the most noteworthy effect of the elections. It was this
strength that facilitated Jammu to claim for the, first time, the
post of Chief Ministership.
As long as one can
remember, it has always been the State of J&K. In other words it
was never in dispute that J&K consisted of three distinct
geographical and ethnic regions – Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh.
Jammu, without doubt is an essential ingredient, and has played a
crucial role in past one and a half decade of turmoil, to act as a
deterrent to the overt and covert manoeuvres of the separatists in
the Valley. It goes to the credit of the people of this historical
city, who have stood tall, despite all odds, and given a befitting
reply to the separatists and secessionist elements, which are hell
bent upon destroying the secular fabric of the state.
However
in view of the dispense of populace in various regions of the State,
and influence of the sustained disingenuous propaganda unleashed
from across the border to foment trouble, the carving out of a
separate state from within the State of J&K may not be a prudent
option. This demand, needless to say, is laden with dangerous
consequences. Secularism along with the strengthening of the federal set-up
only can make certain Jammu's unity and share in political command.
Moreover, a secular and responsive Jammu is in the first interests
of the Kashmir Valley.
The essential count,
which needs to be done to protect Jammu area from being nibbled
away, is to make certain that Jammu stays on a level keel,
politically speaking. For decades, there has been talk of regional
autonomy for various ethnic constituents of J&K and it is this
claim of Jammu, which has been articulated most, time and again.
Balraj Puri who has been active in State politics for over four
decades has been the chief character, along with Hari Om, of this
point of view. He has even put this perspective in black and white
expansively, and a sizable section of the populace not only in Jammu
region but other parts such as Ladakh, and ethnic Kashmiri Pundits,
have openly advocated the stand. It is imperative that in the larger
interest of the State, Jammu and Kashmir regions devise and
formulate a mechanism to function as ‘equal partners.’
A rational study is
indicative that Kashmir acquires the lion’s share in the
political, and as well as the administrative domain. The Central
endowments made to the State, have in the past not been disseminated
equally between the three regions, depriving Jammu and Ladakh of the
ways and means to make progress evenly with Valley. Kashmir which
has a land area of 15,853 sq km, and inhabits less than half of the
State’s population, returns 46 legislators to the 87 – member
Legislative Assembly, the Jammu region, in contrast, spread over
26,293 sq km and with a population more or less equivalent to
Kashmir, has the right to return only 37 legislators.
This
political disparity in the dispensation is another major cause of
resentment for the people of Jammu. Between 1966 and 1981, the State
Government set up with much fun fare three commissions to placate
the Jammu populace: Gajendragadkar Commission (1967), Kadri
Commission (1972) and Sikri Commission (1979). While the first two
were to look out the grievances of the Jammuites and propose
measures to resolve the regional one-sidedness, the Sikri Panel, was
to scrutinize the demand for formation of more districts in the
Jammu region. The subsequent regimes never implemented the
recommendations of these Commissions, and reduced the findings to
the ‘historical dustbin.’
On
May 9, 1995, Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council Act was
enacted, and subsequently, Autonomous Hill Council at Leh, was set
up in September 1995. One does not see any reason as to why the same
arrangement cannot be worked out for the people of Jammu. Autonomous
Council will go a long way in facilitating the discharge of
responsibility of economic, regional, cultural, social, and
political development in a fair, transparent, and judicious way for
all the three regions. This alone will facilitate a process wherein all the three regions have equal
opportunity of development and participation in the political
affairs of the State. Balraj Puri has rightly pointed out the
need to reinforce the fabric of the existing federal constitutional
set-up of the State by decentralising political power through a
five-tier set up (at State, regional, district, block and panchayat
levels).
The
greatest intrinsic merit of this argument is that in the given state
of affairs, which are increasing becoming laced with communalism,
regional characteristics can offer some kind of an alternative
rallying point. Therefore regional autonomy appears as viable
solution to the genuine aspirations of Jammu and Ladakh. More so it
also, broadly speaking, offers a way out to the estrangement of
Valley from the Indian mainstream.
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