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Kashmir:
The times ahead.......
Romeet
K WATT
WITH
the
advent of
“PDP-Congress” combine at the helm of affairs in the State of
J&K, federal democracy in India would be put to an ultimate test
in a keen contest between the newly elected government in Srinagar
and the BJP-led coalition at the Centre. The points of discord will
be more than one, given the position of the combine, which many
believe is diametrically opposite to the official “Kashmir
policy” of New Delhi. Not only that, there is also a deep divide
between the Congress and the PDP, and it is imperative that the duo
evolves a common policy “framework” given the ideological and
political fissures between the two parties.
PDP
is a derivative of the main stream Indian political party, the
Indian National Congress, and for many years Mufti Sayeed was
perceived as being the mainstay of the Congress in the Valley.
However given the political ideology he practiced after disengaging
from Congress, Mufti clans’ party is seen in Indian political and
diplomatic circles with skepticism for its pro-Hurriyat leanings;
and among many other issues, its description of the Kashmir problem
as an “international dispute” is believed to be the major
stumbling block which may hinder its smooth relations with New
Delhi. Contrary to New
Delhi’s position, it favours immediate resumption of “dialogue
process” with Pakistan and the separatists, and disbandment of the
controversial Special Operation Group (SOG) set up to fight
militancy in the State.
Centre-State
relationship has been of paramount importance for the ruling elite
in the State of J&K, when it comes to completing the entire
tenure. National Conference, the historical political party of
Kashmir, has never - political history testifies - governed the
state, when it has been at loggerheads with New Delhi. In context of
Centre-State relations, two historical agreements were put into
place to evolve a mechanism for smooth functioning: ”Delhi
Agreement” of 24 July 1952, and “Kashmir Accord” of 13
November 1974, and in both cases it was the Congress government at
the Centre, which signed these accords with the representatives of
J&K. Farooq Abdullah government, thorough its “autonomy
resolution” tried to undo the ”Delhi Agreement”, but the
Indian cabinet rejected the proposal.
The
greatest triumph for Farooq Abdullah has been his knack to complete
his full-term in power, but to make it possible; he went into an
overdrive to lend an olive branch to New Delhi so much so that he
did not even press hard on the “autonomy resolution.” In return,
he was rewarded with unflinching prop up, notwithstanding the fact
that J&K was in the state of anarchy, and in most certain terms
was a fit case for imposition of Presidents rule by invoking article
356 of the Indian Constitution. This in itself has been Abdullah
seniors’ greatest triumph, but eventually facilitated his defeat
in the elections.
BJP
as a party has had its share of set backs in the elections, but with
the Congress taking over the mantle of governance from the National
Conference in J&K, critiques of BJP led NDA government at the
Centre, point out that the party has acquired a vital weapon to
cross-check the main opposition party, Congress, thus facilitating
its full term in office in return for its support to Congress-PDP
government. However should the need arise in the event of the
coalition combine (Congress-PDP) engaging itself in practices
wherein they lend an olive branch to Pakistan or to the separatists
- not in line with the official policy of New Delhi - the situation,
analysts point out, may assume turbulent dimensions. Congress being
from the mainstream politics of the Indian polity is also believed
act as a deterrent to counter the covert and overt maneuvers of the
PDP, should the need arise.
The
history of coalition politics is not something new for the Congress
party in the State. Congress (I) has in the past supported Sheikh Abdullah when he took over as the Chief Minister in 25
February 1975. However two years later, Congress (I) withdrew
support to the Sheikh Abdullah government, and subsequently, except
for a brief period when Janta Party government was in place in
Delhi, the relations between the two (New Delhi – Srinagar) were
at a low ebb. Rajiv Gandhi - Farooq Abdullah accord of 1986 paved
the way for the formation of government on 25 March 1987. However,
the accord made by the Congress to revive its sagging fortunes in
the State is seen by many as main reason for its poor performance in
the subsequent elections.
Decentralisation
and devolution of more powers to the J&K, political observers
concede, are going to gain momentum in the coming days with PDP-Congress
combine evolving a common minimum program prior to entering into
negotiations with New Delhi. PDP-Congress combine has also to
undertake the complete revamp of the total political and
administrative machinery, which had collapsed characterizing
joblessness, poverty, insensitivity, negligence, indifference, etc.
However what has generated a lot of interest in the
politico-diplomatic circles is the stand Congress is going to take
on the issue of devolution of more powers to the State, and whether
in doing so, it will undo or undermine the “Delhi
Agreement” of 1952, and “Kashmir Accord” of 1974, which were
signed with Congress government’s at the controls in New Delhi.
The
fact that the coalition has to take into account the aspirations of
the Independents, and smaller parties like the CPI (M), Panther’s
Party, and others, many believe, will in most certain terms,
compound the problems, more so given that they come from diverse
backgrounds. Much depends, eventually, analysts observe, on the
composition of this “third front” within the coalition
government. The will and the commitment of the combine will also be
tested to the hilt when it comes to negotiating with New Delhi in
its demand for devolution of more powers to J&K, something the
BJP will not give into easily.
Kashmir,
detractors of New Delhi argue, has not been handled properly and
that Delhi has gone wrong again and again in the past. It is
essential that New Delhi makes a more conciliatory approach towards
the new regime in J&K, and provides them with all necessary
support to bring peace to the violence-ravaged valley back to normal
- even if they need to make a few concessions here and there.
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